The rules of the game

One of the smaller political parties in Sandzak has offered a local radio station a Protocol on Cooperation according to which both sides would agree to establish mutual cooperation in the field of information. The Protocol would oblige the political party to timely deliver information to the radio station, while the station would be required to accurately inform the public and publish the party's announcements. In return, the party would "assist in strengthening of the station's media capabilities", whatever that could mean.

The party that offered such an agreement is close to important and informal power centers, while the radio station is a rare and independent voice in the city and the region. Due to its independent position, it is a frequent target of verbal attacks, while its transmitters are being damaged on a regular basis. Knocking on the open door when it comes to the "free flow of information" is not an issue in this case: a refusal to establish a special connection with the political party has placed the station in a politically incorrect position with regard to local power centers.

In another Serbian region, in Loznica, some of the local media outlets began sending political parties invoices for reporting from their press conferences. Their explanation: the media are in great financial difficulties, while political parties have an "insatiable appetite for media promotion". The local TV station says that the events are frequently held outside the city, and that reporting crews are sent "without any financial support". "If you don't report from their events, you are exposed to certain pressures", say sources from the station. However, the concept of paying for press conference reports has not been welcomed by local political parties.

These two recent examples seemingly send conflicting messages. In the first case, a political party applied subtle pressure aimed at forcing a media outlet to obey its demands, while in the second case the media are willing to conform to pressure – for a price. Both cases lack the key criterion that separates the roles of political parties and journalists, placing them on the opposite ends of the "public role" spectrum. Journalists should responsibly inform the public, while politicians should be held accountable by the public for their acts.

The mixed-up roles are not only the result of financial difficulties that have dramatically affected the media in the last two years. They are only a contributing factor. Between the restrictive media laws that punish any information that is contrary to the wishes of political power centers, and the easy decent into joblessness, journalists have very little space left to practice investigative and critical journalism, and to write freely and responsibly.

Clear criteria regarding the roles of various participants, and the line between simple "conveying of information" and distribution of others' announcements and opinions, on the one hand, and independent deciding on the true interest of the public, on the other hand, require strict rules of the game. These rules are an integral part of a wider social consensus on the legal framework i.e. working conditions for the media industry. In the current phase of Serbian transition, these rules – announced in a form of a long-term "Media Strategy" – are currently being prepared, after the last year's attempt by the state to rush its development, and the consequent round tables followed by a long hiatus...

Most of the Serbian media outlets have been seriously hit by the financial crisis, the price of advertising has dropped drastically. circulations stagnate, the market is distorted, while the value of journalistic work has reached new lows. Under these circumstances – and similar situation is evident in other areas of business activity, with few exceptions – the media have turned to the state while looking for support and assistance. The state is represented by politicians. The state budget, although half-empty, still has some money left in it. However, the same state is required by the rules of the game to withdraw from the media sphere and abolish its influence on the media. How can this problem be solved?

The degree of freedom and independence of the media depends on three crucial factors. The first one is the clear legal framework, the second one is the ability of media managers to survive in the market, and the third one is the level of professionalism and responsibility of journalists.

In Serbia (and in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), media-related laws (just like the laws in other areas) have been adopted since 2000 in accordance with the requirements related to the country's advancement on the path toward the membership in the Council of Europe and the European Union. The work on the media strategy that was continued in this spring after a long winter break, is a part of the obligations that are necessary for Serbia to acquire the status of a candidate for EU membership, perhaps during this autumn. Therefore, the state has a clear and strong motive to achieve these goals, and to achieve them quickly.

Continuation of the work on the "Media Strategy" is an opportunity to establish such a framework. An important role in its preparation in 2010 was played by professional journalistic associations, their public pressure, and their (unexpectedly easily) harmonized positions. Mutual rivalry and distrust were put aside and the quality was immediately evident.

Their key requirements are the transparency of media ownership; banning of media monopolies; complete withdrawal of the state from ownership over the media i.e. redefining of the position of public media companies; equal position of media outlets in the market and creation of independent bodies that would oversee this process.

It seems that this effort will advance further and that the consensus about the direction of the reform of the media legal framework will soon be established. Of course, the Media Strategy is only a piece of paper. However, if Serbia becomes a candidate for EU membership, all the requirements will remain in force and a whole new dynamic will begin. The adopted documents will have to be implemented. Perhaps the rules of the game will become meaningful. And perhaps the Serbian journalists will not have to wait for them for the next 11 years.

Ljubica Markovic

About the authors

MC Newsletter, May 20, 2011